The discussion around state police in Nigeria has moved from a long-running debate into an implementation phase. The biggest breakthrough is that the Constitution Alteration (State Police) Bill, 2026, has passed through the National Assembly process. The Senate stated that the bill received broad support; 84 of the 109 senators voted in support of the bill during its clause-by-clause consideration.This is designed to amend Nigeria’s current policing structure, which has historically been dominated by the federal Nigeria Police Force, allowing states to establish their own police services. Its most recent major development is that President Bola Tinubu inaugurated a Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill to prepare the legal framework required for implementation.The argument from supporters is that Nigeria’s security challenges are too complex for a single central police structure controlled from Abuja. However, the biggest concern remains political abuse as critics worry that governors could use state police to: intimidate political opponents; influence elections; target perceived enemies; and undermine civil liberties.We would be doing this debate a grave disservice if we approached it as though it began today. The question of state police is neither novel nor ahistorical. It is a conversation rooted in Nigeria’s constitutional evolution, political experiences and security realities. Any attempt to evaluate its merits without revisiting that history risks producing more rhetoric than reason. Every serious national debate has a beginning, and every sound conclusion is anchored in history. The renewed clamour for state police is no exception.The country’s policing system was not always centralised. At independence in 1960, Nigeria operated a decentralised policing arrangement. Alongside the Nigeria Police Force, there existed regional police forces under the governments of the Northern, Western and Eastern Regions, as well as Native Authority Police controlled at the local level. In many respects, these forces reflected the federal character of the country. They possessed local knowledge, understood community dynamics and could respond more quickly to security concerns within their jurisdictions.However, this arrangement gradually became overshadowed by a more troubling reality. The political crisis that engulfed the Western Region in the early 1960s remains one of the most frequently cited examples of how policing powers could become entangled with partisan interests. Whether every allegation was justified is a matter for historians. What is beyond dispute, however, is that public confidence in decentralised policing suffered significantly.Following the military intervention of 1966, Nigeria embarked upon a broader project of centralising governmental powers. Regional police forces disappeared, leaving the Nigeria Police Force as the country’s sole policing institution. Successive constitutions entrenched this model, culminating in the 1999 Constitution, which recognises only one police force for the Federation. For decades, the argument in favour of a centralised police structure rested largely on one proposition: a single national police force would reduce the risk of political abuse by subnational governments. Today, history presents us with an uncomfortable irony.While centralisation may have addressed one problem, it has not insulated Nigeria from another. Across the country, communities continue to grapple with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, communal violence and organised criminality. Questions are increasingly being asked about whether a single federally controlled police force can effectively secure over 200 million people spread across diverse cultures, terrains and security environments. This is precisely why the call for state police has returned with renewed urgency.The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] This is designed to amend Nigeria’s current policing structure, which has historically been dominated by the federal Nigeria Police Force, allowing states to establish their own police services. Its most recent major development is that President Bola Tinubu inaugurated a Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill to prepare the legal framework required for implementation.The argument from supporters is that Nigeria’s security challenges are too complex for a single central police structure controlled from Abuja. However, the biggest concern remains political abuse as critics worry that governors could use state police to: intimidate political opponents; influence elections; target perceived enemies; and undermine civil liberties.We would be doing this debate a grave disservice if we approached it as though it began today. The question of state police is neither novel nor ahistorical. It is a conversation rooted in Nigeria’s constitutional evolution, political experiences and security realities. Any attempt to evaluate its merits without revisiting that history risks producing more rhetoric than reason. Every serious national debate has a beginning, and every sound conclusion is anchored in history. The renewed clamour for state police is no exception.The country’s policing system was not always centralised. At independence in 1960, Nigeria operated a decentralised policing arrangement. Alongside the Nigeria Police Force, there existed regional police forces under the governments of the Northern, Western and Eastern Regions, as well as Native Authority Police controlled at the local level. In many respects, these forces reflected the federal character of the country. They possessed local knowledge, understood community dynamics and could respond more quickly to security concerns within their jurisdictions.However, this arrangement gradually became overshadowed by a more troubling reality. The political crisis that engulfed the Western Region in the early 1960s remains one of the most frequently cited examples of how policing powers could become entangled with partisan interests. Whether every allegation was justified is a matter for historians. What is beyond dispute, however, is that public confidence in decentralised policing suffered significantly.Following the military intervention of 1966, Nigeria embarked upon a broader project of centralising governmental powers. Regional police forces disappeared, leaving the Nigeria Police Force as the country’s sole policing institution. Successive constitutions entrenched this model, culminating in the 1999 Constitution, which recognises only one police force for the Federation. For decades, the argument in favour of a centralised police structure rested largely on one proposition: a single national police force would reduce the risk of political abuse by subnational governments. Today, history presents us with an uncomfortable irony.While centralisation may have addressed one problem, it has not insulated Nigeria from another. Across the country, communities continue to grapple with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, communal violence and organised criminality. Questions are increasingly being asked about whether a single federally controlled police force can effectively secure over 200 million people spread across diverse cultures, terrains and security environments. This is precisely why the call for state police has returned with renewed urgency.The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] The argument from supporters is that Nigeria’s security challenges are too complex for a single central police structure controlled from Abuja. However, the biggest concern remains political abuse as critics worry that governors could use state police to: intimidate political opponents; influence elections; target perceived enemies; and undermine civil liberties.We would be doing this debate a grave disservice if we approached it as though it began today. The question of state police is neither novel nor ahistorical. It is a conversation rooted in Nigeria’s constitutional evolution, political experiences and security realities. Any attempt to evaluate its merits without revisiting that history risks producing more rhetoric than reason. Every serious national debate has a beginning, and every sound conclusion is anchored in history. The renewed clamour for state police is no exception.The country’s policing system was not always centralised. At independence in 1960, Nigeria operated a decentralised policing arrangement. Alongside the Nigeria Police Force, there existed regional police forces under the governments of the Northern, Western and Eastern Regions, as well as Native Authority Police controlled at the local level. In many respects, these forces reflected the federal character of the country. They possessed local knowledge, understood community dynamics and could respond more quickly to security concerns within their jurisdictions.However, this arrangement gradually became overshadowed by a more troubling reality. The political crisis that engulfed the Western Region in the early 1960s remains one of the most frequently cited examples of how policing powers could become entangled with partisan interests. Whether every allegation was justified is a matter for historians. What is beyond dispute, however, is that public confidence in decentralised policing suffered significantly.Following the military intervention of 1966, Nigeria embarked upon a broader project of centralising governmental powers. Regional police forces disappeared, leaving the Nigeria Police Force as the country’s sole policing institution. Successive constitutions entrenched this model, culminating in the 1999 Constitution, which recognises only one police force for the Federation. For decades, the argument in favour of a centralised police structure rested largely on one proposition: a single national police force would reduce the risk of political abuse by subnational governments. Today, history presents us with an uncomfortable irony.While centralisation may have addressed one problem, it has not insulated Nigeria from another. Across the country, communities continue to grapple with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, communal violence and organised criminality. Questions are increasingly being asked about whether a single federally controlled police force can effectively secure over 200 million people spread across diverse cultures, terrains and security environments. This is precisely why the call for state police has returned with renewed urgency.The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] We would be doing this debate a grave disservice if we approached it as though it began today. The question of state police is neither novel nor ahistorical. It is a conversation rooted in Nigeria’s constitutional evolution, political experiences and security realities. Any attempt to evaluate its merits without revisiting that history risks producing more rhetoric than reason. Every serious national debate has a beginning, and every sound conclusion is anchored in history. The renewed clamour for state police is no exception.The country’s policing system was not always centralised. At independence in 1960, Nigeria operated a decentralised policing arrangement. Alongside the Nigeria Police Force, there existed regional police forces under the governments of the Northern, Western and Eastern Regions, as well as Native Authority Police controlled at the local level. In many respects, these forces reflected the federal character of the country. They possessed local knowledge, understood community dynamics and could respond more quickly to security concerns within their jurisdictions.However, this arrangement gradually became overshadowed by a more troubling reality. The political crisis that engulfed the Western Region in the early 1960s remains one of the most frequently cited examples of how policing powers could become entangled with partisan interests. Whether every allegation was justified is a matter for historians. What is beyond dispute, however, is that public confidence in decentralised policing suffered significantly.Following the military intervention of 1966, Nigeria embarked upon a broader project of centralising governmental powers. Regional police forces disappeared, leaving the Nigeria Police Force as the country’s sole policing institution. Successive constitutions entrenched this model, culminating in the 1999 Constitution, which recognises only one police force for the Federation. For decades, the argument in favour of a centralised police structure rested largely on one proposition: a single national police force would reduce the risk of political abuse by subnational governments. Today, history presents us with an uncomfortable irony.While centralisation may have addressed one problem, it has not insulated Nigeria from another. Across the country, communities continue to grapple with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, communal violence and organised criminality. Questions are increasingly being asked about whether a single federally controlled police force can effectively secure over 200 million people spread across diverse cultures, terrains and security environments. This is precisely why the call for state police has returned with renewed urgency.The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] The country’s policing system was not always centralised. At independence in 1960, Nigeria operated a decentralised policing arrangement. Alongside the Nigeria Police Force, there existed regional police forces under the governments of the Northern, Western and Eastern Regions, as well as Native Authority Police controlled at the local level. In many respects, these forces reflected the federal character of the country. They possessed local knowledge, understood community dynamics and could respond more quickly to security concerns within their jurisdictions.However, this arrangement gradually became overshadowed by a more troubling reality. The political crisis that engulfed the Western Region in the early 1960s remains one of the most frequently cited examples of how policing powers could become entangled with partisan interests. Whether every allegation was justified is a matter for historians. What is beyond dispute, however, is that public confidence in decentralised policing suffered significantly.Following the military intervention of 1966, Nigeria embarked upon a broader project of centralising governmental powers. Regional police forces disappeared, leaving the Nigeria Police Force as the country’s sole policing institution. Successive constitutions entrenched this model, culminating in the 1999 Constitution, which recognises only one police force for the Federation. For decades, the argument in favour of a centralised police structure rested largely on one proposition: a single national police force would reduce the risk of political abuse by subnational governments. Today, history presents us with an uncomfortable irony.While centralisation may have addressed one problem, it has not insulated Nigeria from another. Across the country, communities continue to grapple with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, communal violence and organised criminality. Questions are increasingly being asked about whether a single federally controlled police force can effectively secure over 200 million people spread across diverse cultures, terrains and security environments. This is precisely why the call for state police has returned with renewed urgency.The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] However, this arrangement gradually became overshadowed by a more troubling reality. The political crisis that engulfed the Western Region in the early 1960s remains one of the most frequently cited examples of how policing powers could become entangled with partisan interests. Whether every allegation was justified is a matter for historians. What is beyond dispute, however, is that public confidence in decentralised policing suffered significantly.Following the military intervention of 1966, Nigeria embarked upon a broader project of centralising governmental powers. Regional police forces disappeared, leaving the Nigeria Police Force as the country’s sole policing institution. Successive constitutions entrenched this model, culminating in the 1999 Constitution, which recognises only one police force for the Federation. For decades, the argument in favour of a centralised police structure rested largely on one proposition: a single national police force would reduce the risk of political abuse by subnational governments. Today, history presents us with an uncomfortable irony.While centralisation may have addressed one problem, it has not insulated Nigeria from another. Across the country, communities continue to grapple with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, communal violence and organised criminality. Questions are increasingly being asked about whether a single federally controlled police force can effectively secure over 200 million people spread across diverse cultures, terrains and security environments. This is precisely why the call for state police has returned with renewed urgency.The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] Following the military intervention of 1966, Nigeria embarked upon a broader project of centralising governmental powers. Regional police forces disappeared, leaving the Nigeria Police Force as the country’s sole policing institution. Successive constitutions entrenched this model, culminating in the 1999 Constitution, which recognises only one police force for the Federation. For decades, the argument in favour of a centralised police structure rested largely on one proposition: a single national police force would reduce the risk of political abuse by subnational governments. Today, history presents us with an uncomfortable irony.While centralisation may have addressed one problem, it has not insulated Nigeria from another. Across the country, communities continue to grapple with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, communal violence and organised criminality. Questions are increasingly being asked about whether a single federally controlled police force can effectively secure over 200 million people spread across diverse cultures, terrains and security environments. This is precisely why the call for state police has returned with renewed urgency.The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] While centralisation may have addressed one problem, it has not insulated Nigeria from another. Across the country, communities continue to grapple with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, communal violence and organised criminality. Questions are increasingly being asked about whether a single federally controlled police force can effectively secure over 200 million people spread across diverse cultures, terrains and security environments. This is precisely why the call for state police has returned with renewed urgency.The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] The real question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria should have state police. It is whether Nigeria can build a state police differently. In fact, there are many more questions, such as, Can recruitment be insulated from political patronage? Can operational independence be guaranteed through robust constitutional safeguards? Can oversight institutions be sufficiently independent to investigate abuses without fear or favour? Can officers owe their allegiance to the Constitution rather than to the political interests of the government of the day? Can minimum national standards for training, discipline, funding and accountability be maintained while allowing states the flexibility to address local security realities? These and many more are the questions that deserve the nation’s attention.Related NewsReps intensify fake agency probe, give MDAs 48-hour ultimatumState police push: Reps receive report, set stage for debateCourt adjourns Anambra whistleblower’s bail application hearingThe Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] The Nigerian Senate passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, on Wednesday, 24 June 2026. Subsequently, on Tuesday, 7 July 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inaugurated the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill, mandating the body to develop the legal framework for the implementation of state police across the country. The President stated that the operation of state police could no longer be delayed.If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] If Nigeria ultimately embraces state police, its success will not depend merely on constitutional amendments or political declarations. It will depend on whether the country has dared to confront the lessons of its own history and the wisdom to design institutions capable of correcting yesterday’s failures without creating tomorrow’s crises. Nigeria’s lessons on decentralised policing do not begin and end with the regional police structures of the First Republic or the centralising tendencies of successive military regimes.Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] Indeed, we do not have to travel that far back into history to find evidence of Nigeria’s continuing search for a more effective security architecture. In the absence of a formal state policing structure, several regions have independently developed local security initiatives to respond to growing insecurity. The South-West established Amotekun, the South-East created Ebube Agu, while Hisbah organisations have operated in parts of Northern Nigeria.Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] Their emergence provides an important lesson for the state police debate. However, they also highlight the importance of proper legal structure, accountability and constitutional safeguards. Nigeria is not starting from a blank page. The task before policymakers is not simply to create another layer of security. It is to design a system that captures the greatest advantage of local policing, while preventing the greatest danger, political abuse and lack of accountability.Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] Section 25(5) of the bill provides that no existing local security outfit shall be transformed into a State Police Service or exercise policing powers. The provision also prohibits such outfits from bearing firearms. The section states: “No existing state, local, community, vigilante, neighbourhood, traffic or other security outfits shall, by reason only of this Act, become a State Police Service or exercise police powers or bear firearms unless authorised in accordance with this Constitution and an Act of the National Assembly.”My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] My critique here is that the bill appears to have answered what Amotekun and other regional outfits cannot become, but there is still a need for clarity on what role, if any, these outfits will play in the new security ecosystem. Nigeria is not creating state police in a vacuum; it is formalising a security demand that communities have already expressed through alternative structures.A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] A state police system that is professional, accountable and insulated from partisan manipulation could become one of the most important institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But one that places unchecked security powers in the hands of political actors may simply recreate the very fears that ended the earlier experiment. Nigeria should proceed. But it must proceed with caution, particularly in the shadow of the 2027 elections. The timing places the legitimacy of this reform under immediate scrutiny. The first real test of state police may not arise from its capacity to combat insecurity, but from its ability to remain insulated from political influence at a moment when electoral interests are at their peak.That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] That challenge, however, presents an opportunity. If the institution can demonstrate fidelity to the rule of law, neutrality in its operations and restraint in the exercise of its powers, it will earn the confidence required for its long-term success. The post-election period will provide an inevitable moment of review.Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected] Afolabi, a senior lawyer and a researcher, writes in via[email protected]